The entry of Islam into Ghana and among the Akan people is seen in the context of its development and spread in West Africa.From the beginning therefore, Muslims established an inner nexus between Islam and the indigenous culture.Through the intensive missionary ventures of Muslim reformers, Islam became dominant and influential religion in the social,political and economic structures of Ghana and the Akan states.
Taking as a starting point the widely accepted view that states confronted with terrorism must find a proper equilibrium between their respective obligations of preserving fundamental rights and fighting terrorism effectively, this book seeks to demonstrate how the design and enforcement of a human rights instrument may influence the result of that exercise. An attempt is made to answer the question how a legal order's approach to the limitation of rights may shape decision-making trade-offs between the demands of liberty and the need to guarantee individual and collective security. In doing so, special attention is given to the difference between the adjudicative methods of balancing and categorisation. The book challenges the conventional wisdom that individual rights, in times of crisis, are better served by the application of categorical rather than flexible models of limitation. In addition, the work considers the impact of a variety of other factors, including the discrepancies in enforcing an international convention as opposed to a national constitution and the use of emergency provisions permitting derogations from human rights obligations in time of war or a public emergency.
Following the 9/11 events and its aftermath, the media make Islam ‘more known’ by linking it to terrorism and threat to the Western world. Islam is then described as the new enemy to the West representing an ideological and even physical threat. Studies conducted by scholars such as Elizabeth Poole and John E. Richardson indicated that generally Islam and Muslims are represented negatively in the British mainstream media. Taking a different path, the study presented in this book focuses on The Tablet, a leading Catholic weekly newspaper in Britain. Responding to the clash of civilisations hypothesis that dominates the representation of Islam and Muslims in the British mainstream media, The Tablet presents a different perspective by considering Islam and Muslims as partners to the West on the grounds that Islamic civilisation and Western civilisation are compatible.
If deeply seen, one can seldom find a single human right that would not be affected by terrorist attacks. Not to mention terrorism''s devastating impacts on various sets of human rights, the fact that it destroys ‘freedom from fear'' makes it clear that any terrorist act is inherently irreconcilable with human rights. This justifies counter-terorism measures. However, many a times, such measures are pretexts to violate fundamental rights. The United Nations passed a number of resolutions showing the commitment of the international community to take human rights seriously while countering terrorism. Ethiopia has adopted an anti-terrorism legislation. This book analyzes the impacts of terrorism and counter terrorism on human rights protection; describe the responses of the United Nations and most importantly appraise the human rights implications of the anti-terrorism law of Ethiopia. It gives academicians, journalists,and the public at large an excellent understanding regarding the interplay between terrorism and counter-terrorism vis-a-vis human rights protection and the negative and positive implications of Ethiopia''s anti-terrorism law from a human rights perspective.
The relationship between Islam and politics has attracted considerable attention in recent years, and especially since the September 11 attacks. This book examines this relationship and comprises an extensive review of the main sources of Islam (Qur'an and Sunna). The principal aim is to assess arguments regarding the political nature of Islam, and it seeks to investigate whether or not Islam is inherently political. The book asserts that the Qur’an and the Sunna are concerned mainly with ethical and moral issues and have little to say about politics and governance. Islamists claim that most Muslim manners, values, rules and regulations are derived from Islamic scriptural sources, primarily the Qur’an. They use this assertion as the basis for politicizing their faith. This book examines this Islamist claim, also. The book also discusses links between the political theories and ideas of medieval and modern Islamists, showing how the latter is a continuation of the former’s writings. It also shows how episodes of Islamist thought have coincided with both external conflicts with non-Muslim powers and internal ones with local regimes.
When some scholars in the West speak of a clash of civilizations, they usually mean a contemporary conflict between Islam and the West. Both ‘Islam’ and the ‘West” are vastly sweeping categories and tell us little about the actual lives of people. Those who subscribe to the ‘clash of civilizations thesis’ find the distance between a hollow generalization of the sort that Samuel P. Huntington has proposed and the eventual caricature of Islam and Muslims to be a short one. Combined with Orientalist prejudices, they offer equally untenable theories that suggest that Islam is inherently and uniquely resistant to democracy, secularism and liberalism.The truth lies elsewhere.The most substantial majority of Muslims in the world live in two fairly stable democracies, namely India and Indonesia. Pakistan and Bangladesh also add up to a sizeable population of Muslims in the world.In the light of these debates and controversies, it is the South Asian experience that teaches us a significant lesson. It shows that that there is no single linear pattern to define Muslims or Islam in the world.
This work examines the relationship between religious belief and economic practice in an Islamic community by focusing on Sufi groups (Naqsabandi-Kholidiyah and Syadziliyah) in the Banyumas region of Central Java, Indonesia. This work demonstrates that Sufi group not only promotes religious individualism of mystical exercise but also a collective spirit of worldly-oriented activities. Through strong ties among their disciples, Sufi groups create a network for cultivating entrepreneurial skills and political influence. At the heart of the argument is recognition of religious devotion and its effect on shaping socio-cultural and socio-economic distinction within an Islamic community in Java, Indonesia.
The events of 09/11 resulted in a tremendous blow to the image of Islam and Islamic countries. Right-wing politicians (ab)use this negative image to strengthen support for their anti-immigrant policies and hate against Islam. This book examines attempts made by Islamic countries to improve the image of Islam using Public Diplomacy (PD). An analysis and comparison is done of and between the foreign policy and (PD) diplomatic efforts of Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Senegal and Malaysia, focused on the impact on the existing image in the West. Even though quality PD improves the image of Islam, success and impact of current efforts is hampered by domestic and international circumstances.The study highlights an important, alternative (pioneering) role for PD in improving the image of Islam, assisting in bringing about deeper understanding and tolerance on a global level. PD has so far, only been associated with country, places and products. Islam is none of these; it is the world’s second largest religion. This book should be useful to students and professionals in the field of diplomacy or international relations, or anyone else interested in improved relations between the West and Islam.
Russia occupies a unique position in the Muslim world. Unlike any other non-Islamic state, it has ruled Muslim populations for over five hundred years. Though Russia today is plagued by its unrelenting war in Chechnya, Russia's approach toward Islam once yielded stability. In stark contrast to the popular "clash of civilizations" theory that sees Islam inevitably in conflict with the West, Robert D. Crews reveals the remarkable ways in which Russia constructed an empire with broad Muslim support. In the eighteenth century, Catherine the Great inaugurated a policy of religious toleration that made Islam an essential pillar of Orthodox Russia. For ensuing generations, tsars and their police forces supported official Muslim authorities willing to submit to imperial directions in exchange for defense against brands of Islam they deemed heretical and destabilizing. As a result, Russian officials assumed the powerful but often awkward role of arbitrator in disputes between Muslims. And just as the state became a presence in the local mosque, Muslims became inextricably integrated into the empire and shaped tsarist will in Muslim communities stretching from the Volga River to Central Asia. For Prophet and Tsar draws on police and court records, and Muslim petitions, denunciations, and clerical writings-not accessible prior to 1991-to unearth the fascinating relationship between an empire and its subjects. As America and Western Europe debate how best to secure the allegiances of their Muslim populations, Crews offers a unique and critical historical vantage point.
Ten years on from 9/11, much of the Muslim faith remains largely unknown and misunderstood in the West. While there have been a number of successful books on the topic of Islamic history - from Karen Armstrong's Islam: A Brief History to Bernard Lewis's The Crises of Islam - there is surprisingly no book for a popular audience about Islam as a religion, let alone one by an author from an Islamic background. No God But God fills that gap, addressing issues of belief: the difference between the Quran and the Bible, the meaning of the Hajj, the Muslim relationship with Jesus, the Muslim attitude towards Jews, equality between the sexes and more. This revised and updated edition includes a wealth of new material and new chapters covering recent uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya; the changing face of Islam in Europe and North Africa; and a number of topics of heated debate (the veil controversy; Islam & women; Iraq War as a Jihadi recruiting agent etc).
Islam is a religion of the soul's harmony and heart's intimacy, but most of the people do not know this reality. In the era of Muslim Caliphs, the freedom of non-Muslims, who had enjoyed with a free living status, protection and safety in Muslim states, was not in return for paying the capital tax. The taken tribute from them was not the price of their freedom, but was for the integrity of the Righteous justice between them and Muslims to protect them and their family members were living with Muslims side by side in the society and were not involved in military services to defend a nation believes in Islam. How they can defend a Muslim country and they do not believe in Islam? Jihad does not mean killing some one without any reason and right, but it is to recover the rights of vulnerable people from the harshness of powerful oppressors. Stoning of the adulterer and the adulteress in Islam is not an injustice or affront to human rights after the permission granted in polygamy. Islam is not a religion of men only, as some people think, because of their mental illness. The men and women both are created as being two sides of the one soul.
“Conflict of civilizations will be the latest phase in the evolution of the conflict of the modern world,” says Huntington in his “The Clash of Civilizations” in 1997, but Huntington is blatantly wrong. This clash is the genesis of the history of mankind. All the prophetic missions were ascribed to teach people to differentiate between truth and false and Islam is the youngest among them revealed to the Prophet Muhammad (pbh) in the 7th century (CE). This revelation is thus proclaimed in the Holy Qur’an as light and all other paths of life are curtailed as darkness. The entire Democratic past and present of the West is myopic and is reduced to the status of a heinous instrument decorated with the Machiavellian political grammar and set with unscrupulous hypocrisy, fathomless hoax and abysmal fraud. Islamic politics is completely free of all those odious attributes rather full of moral values and justice. Thus,it is important to realize that the clash between Islam and the West is nothing but the conflict of cultures which are not compatible rather more importantly mutually exclusive. These confronting ideals of Islam and the West are the main objects of the present monograph.
Islam and Language Planning in the Arab World: A Case Study in Jordan provides a solid, up-to-date view of the relationship between language planning and ideology. The central aim of the study is to assess the attitudes of Jordanians towards language planning in Jordan with regard to: -Language planning and language policy. -Islam and Arabic. -English and Jordanians' national identity. -The ideological backgrounds of language planning. - The effect of university and cultural orientation on students' attitudes. -Need for English in Jordan. --Islam and English. -The status of Arabic and English in Jordan.
The interaction between Islam and modernity continues to be an issue of paramount importance in the world, especially after the incident of 9/11 in the U.S. While some Muslim scholars hold the opinion that Islam is compatible with modernity based on certain variables, others deffer and hold the opposite view believing that Islam is incompatible with modernity based on their understanding of the religion. Based on this divergent opinions among the Muslims, this book, therefore, looks at the view of one of the leading scholars and philosopher in the Islamic world and indeed in the contemporary world, Seyyed Hossein Nasr, vis-a-vis the debate on the compatibility or incompatibility of Islam with modernity. The book tries to answer this question by dissecting the thought of Seyyed Hossein Nasr on the issue and looking at his submission from the point of view of the Islamic religion and other scholars of his standing from the East and the West.
The prospect of nuclear terrorism, terrorist acts with nuclear fission explosives, is analysed by means of rational choice theory, a methodology borrowed from economics which has hitherto not been systematically applied to nuclear terrorism. Four relevant decision situations are studied: The terrorist's choice of whether to embark on an ambitious and expensive nuclear project or to stay with tried and trusted conventional methods; The choice of fissile material for a terrorist bent on building a nuclear weapon; The government's choice of prioritising between branches of fissile materials security; and the strategic interplay between terrorist and government in the case where the terrorist has acquired a nuclear weapon and must decide whether to use it to attack, for extortion, or to deter an attack upon his own interests. In each case, the methodology of modelling allows a number of key conclusions to be drawn, informing policy makers on best responses to a threat which is notoriously difficult to estimate.